From autocracy to uncertainty: Bangladesh navigates road to elections under caretaker government

By Faisal Mahmud

DHAKA, Bangladesh (AA) — As Bangladesh’s interim government ended its first week of work on Thursday, a key lingering question is how long this temporary administration will remain in place before power is returned to the people through elections.

Currently, relief from the 15-year autocratic regime of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is widely being celebrated, despite sporadic breaches of law and order. But, it will likely not be long before the legitimacy of the interim government is questioned, as it lacks a constitutional foundation, analysts say.

With Hasina’s resignation, the Cabinet was dissolved, prompting the president to dissolve Parliament as well. The current Constitution lacks provisions for an interim government, unlike its predecessor which included a clause for a “caretaker” administration. As a result, Bangladesh now lacks the necessary constitutional framework for governance during transitional periods.

The 13th amendment to the Constitution of Bangladesh, enacted in 1996, introduced a caretaker government system to conduct general elections and ensure an impartial transfer of power.

This system was utilized for three elections. However, the Supreme Court later declared it unconstitutional, prompting Hasina’s Awami League government to abolish it through a constitutional amendment on June 30, 2011.

The legal foundation for the Supreme Court’s verdict and the subsequent amendment was based on the fact that following the end of the tenure of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in 2006, the caretaker government — supported by the military and tasked with overseeing the next election within 90 days — ended up remaining in power for two years.

But with 84-year-old Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, arguably the most celebrated and internationally recognized figure from the South Asian country of nearly 180 million people, leading the interim government, public acceptance of his administration is widespread.

Even political parties like the BNP, which analysts say may win the next election, have indicated their willingness to cooperate with Yunus’ interim administration. They have agreed to give it a “reasonable time period” to organize the upcoming election, though officials have suggested that polls are not on the country’s immediate agenda.

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said Monday after a discussion with Yunus that elections were “not the primary focus” of their conversation. Alamgir, who was named chief adviser of the interim government, said he believed it would take some time to “create a suitable environment for an election.”

Zahir Uddin Swapan, an advisor to BNP Chairperson Zia, told Anadolu that while the party would fully support the interim government in stabilizing the country and restoring order and economic stability, it urges the administration to quickly establish an environment for a “free and fair election.”

“It’s a people’s republic, and the government should be formed based on the people’s mandate, which can only be achieved through a proper election,” Swapan stated. “The goal of removing an autocrat is to restore democracy, and we should move towards that goal without delay.”

- Extraordinary circumstances

Analysts say that while the interim government’s ultimate aim is to organize a free and fair election to facilitate a transfer of political power, the current situation in Bangladesh is unprecedented.

Following Hasina’s downfall and departure from the country on Aug. 5, key figures from her administration have been in the headlines almost daily. Recently, the chief justice, along with six out of seven justices from the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court, was compelled to resign amid mounting pressure from student protesters.

Under similar pressure, other high-profile officials like the heads of the central bank, police and military intelligence, independent bodies like the Bangladesh Securities and Exchange Commission, and vice-chancellors of various universities, including Dhaka University, have been forced to step down.

“These resignations and purges were absolutely necessary,” said Rezaul Karim Rony, editor of the monthly Joban magazine. “It’s important to understand that all these individuals were appointed by an autocratic regime and were beneficiaries of it.”

Rony noted that the removal of “iron lady” Hasina was the result of a student-led revolution with people across all sectors of society participating. “Before Aug. 5, few would have believed that Hasina’s rule could end so quickly. The country is still in a state of disbelief, which I would describe as ‘happy shock’,” Rony told Anadolu.

“However, the honeymoon period will soon come to an end, and the true challenges posed by the remnants of an autocratic and corrupt regime will become apparent,” Rony added. “I believe a political government, rather than an interim one, would be better suited to address these issues.”

Sharmeen Murshid, one of the 17 advisors to the Yunus-led administration with a rank equivalent to that of a Cabinet minister, told Anadolu that it was too early to discuss or decide on elections. “We have discussed it, but we have more pressing issues to address right now, such as restoring law and order.”

The end of Hasina’s government also saw the police, which analysts claim were deeply corrupt under her administration, becoming a primary target of public ire. According to local media, over 25 police officers have been killed nationwide, with at least 30 police stations razed to the ground.

For a time, police, including those managing traffic, were absent from the streets. They only started resuming their duties gradually on Tuesday, after the interim government took steps to completely reform the force.

“We have to understand that this was a student-led revolution and they want a complete reform into the whole system, so that no political government becomes an autocratic one again,” said Mursheed, “If that requires time, we would urge all political parties and common people to have patience.”

- Destabilization

While political parties like the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, which suffered significantly under the former autocratic regime, have pledged cooperation with the interim government, the Awami League is reportedly attempting to destabilize the country.

Since Hasina’s departure, her son Sajeeb Wazed Joy, who resides in the US, has been speaking to various media outlets — primarily from India, where Hasina took refuge after fleeing. He has also shared video messages on social media, claiming that his mother did not actually resign and technically remains prime minister.

Joy’s contradictory and somewhat frantic messages also include calls for Awami League leaders and activists to regroup and prepare for a counterrevolution, while simultaneously praising the BNP and urging its leaders to push for elections.

Following Joy’s statements, members of the Awami League in Gopalganj, Hasina’s home district and party stronghold, staged a large demonstration and even assaulted military forces on duty.

Additionally, members of the Hindu minority, traditionally strong supporters of the Awami League, have also been staging protests. Some Indian media outlets have spread misinformation on these events, saying dozens of Hindus were killed in communal attacks following Hasina’s ouster.

In reality, only two individuals — one a police officer and the other an Awami League leader — were killed in the incidents, which were characterized as being political, rather than communal.

Local media have also claimed that Awami League activists have attempted to stage attacks on Hindus in an effort to provoke anger in neighboring India but were intercepted. Leaked WhatsApp messages among members of the party’s student wing, the Chhatra League, revealed plans to carry out sporadic attacks on Hindu temples as part of false-flag operations aimed at inciting sectarian tensions.

Speaking to Anadolu, analyst and commentator Shayan S Khan said the Awami League was already looking to re-organize after initially giving an impression that they were on track for dissolution.

“At the moment, they are even more vocal than the BNP in calling for early elections,” said Khan.

“The interim government has signaled it is unwilling to set a date on how long it will govern, indicating a preference for reforming the state, over arranging elections. But at one stage, they will have to give a date, or duration they intend to govern, in line with the scale and ambition of their vision.”