By Aysu Bicer
LONDON (AA) — The British Labour Party is grappling with a complex array of political, economic, and historical issues hindering any efforts to ban arms sales to Israel.
Despite mounting pressure by activists to put an end to the sale of weapons to Israel, which is nearing the end of the 10th month of its brutal Gaza offensive with a death toll nearing 40,000, internal dynamics within Labour and past controversies have become formidable obstacles.
The party, particularly after the elections, has taken several steps to win back Muslim support.
The government withdrew its objection to a potential arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Defense Minister Yoav Gallant.
A possible arms embargo could have been another one of those steps but the new Labour government, which took power last month, deferred the decision for several weeks, citing escalating tensions in Lebanon.
Military exports to Israel from the UK were estimated to be £18.2 million ($23.2 million) last year, but an embargo would be seen as a powerful gesture of disapproval regarding Israel's treatment of Palestinians.
Foreign Secretary David Lammy has advised against all travel to Lebanon and highlighted the potentially catastrophic consequences of a broader conflict in the region.
"We support Israel's right to defend itself in line with international humanitarian law. They are in a tough neighborhood threatened by those that want to annihilate it," he said.
The UK contributes to the F-16 and F-35 fighter jets used by Israel, with approximately 15% of the components in each F-35 being manufactured by British industry, according to data provided by Action on Armed Violence.
These jets can be equipped with 2,000-pound bombs, which have a lethal radius of up to 365 meters (nearly 1,200 feet).
These weapons have been used in Gaza, including in indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks, according to UN reports, raising serious concerns of possible violation of international humanitarian law.
The UK's strategic export licensing criteria mandate that they not be issued if there is a clear risk of the sold arms being used in serious violations of international humanitarian law.
The Arms Trade Treaty, which the UK signed in 2013, also prohibits the export of arms that could potentially be used to commit violations of international human rights or humanitarian law.
When contacted by Anadolu for comment, a spokesman said the government was reviewing advice on arms exports to Israel, though "no decision has been made."
Highlighting that there had been "no change" in the approach to issuing export licenses to Israel, the official said the government continues to review license applications "on a case-by-case basis" against its criteria.
"It is vital that we uphold both our domestic and international legal obligations when it comes to arms exports," he added.
Government figures indicate that the UK has issued more than 100 arms export licenses to Israel between October and May.
Of 108 licenses, 37 were categorized as military and 63 as non-military, which may include telecommunications equipment for use by the Israeli army. In total, there are currently 345 licenses for arms sales to Israel, including those issued before Oct. 7.
- Cultural hangover: 'Labour not wanting to be accused of antisemitism'
Iain Overton, executive director of London-based non-governmental organization Action on Armed Violence, articulated the multifaceted challenges in an interview with Anadolu.
He emphasized that the Labour Party's current leadership under Keir Starmer is particularly sensitive to accusations of antisemitism that plagued the party during the tenure of his predecessor Jeremy Corbyn.
"Under Jeremy Corbyn, there were lots of claims that Labour was not pro-Israel," Overton said.
"Bear in mind that Keir Starmer's wife is Jewish. There are lots of friends of Israel in the Labour Party, and so there's a lot of internal politics about not to be seen to be anti-Israel," he said, explaining that this was because of the "legacy of accusations that it was antisemitic in the past."
This historical context creates a "cultural hangover" that significantly influences Labour's current stance on Israel.
Overton highlighted that "the suspension of arms exports to Israel would ignite a debate in the UK political sphere about whether the Labour Party was more Corbynite than Starmerite," a situation the current premier is keen to avoid as he seeks to distance the party from previous controversies.
- Post-Brexit Britain 'desperate' to export arms globally
In addition to these internal political dynamics, economic factors play a critical role. Post-Brexit Britain is striving to establish a robust global arms export market as a cornerstone of its economy.
Overton explained: "Post-Brexit Britain is desperate for its arms export to be global because it's the main pivot of our economy."
This economic imperative complicates any potential embargoes on arms sales to Israel, a significant partner in the UK's arms trade.
The intricacies of international arms trade relationships add yet another layer of complexity. "Our own arms exports are incredibly complicated and tied up with lots and lots and lots of different arms relationships, which means that banning arms to a sovereign country is quite challenging," Overton noted.
This shows that the struggles Labour could face if it attempts to ban arms sales to Israel is not merely a matter of policy preference but is deeply intertwined with the party's efforts to navigate its historical baggage, economic necessities, and the complexities of international arms trade.
As Overton summarized the situation that the party finds itself in, saying: "There's a cultural hangover legacy of Labour not wanting to be accused of antisemitism. That is, I think, certainly an elephant in the room on this debate."
Considering its role in manufacturing components for military equipment used by Israel, such as the F-35 jet, the UK is implicated in the broader military-industrial complex supporting Tel Aviv's military actions.
Thus, banning arms sales to Israel, for instance, could disrupt the entire production chain, affecting other countries like Saudi Arabia and Australia.
Moreover, such a move would require concrete proof that UK-made weapons are being used in human rights abuses, a challenging task given the opaque nature of military operations and export records.
- Data
UK manufacturers, including BAE Systems, supply arms and components for fighter jets like the F-15, F-16, and F-35 to Israel.
There are currently 28 existing and 28 pending licenses for military equipment that may be used by Israel in Gaza, according to AOAV.
The UK government refused AOAV's request for information on arms export licenses since Oct. 7, citing exemptions under the Freedom of Information Act.
Authorities claim that Britain's "very minor" arms exports to Israel are contradicted by substantial exports, with UK manufacturers involved in 15% of every F-35 received by Israel since 2016, valued at least £368 million.
Over £448-million of arms have been licensed to Israel since 2015, with the true market size obscured by open licenses.