By Faisal Mahmud
DHAKA, Bangladesh (AA) – On Sept. 18, Tofazzal Hossain, a man with mental health issues, was beaten to death by students at the Dhaka University in Bangladesh’s capital.
The students, believing him to be a thief, took it upon themselves to act as judge, jury, and executioner.
Despite being a familiar face on campus, 35-year-old Hossain’s presence in a residential hall was misconstrued as suspicious.
The students subjected him to hours of brutal torture, taking breaks, forcing him to walk between buildings, and even feeding him before resuming their horrific acts.
Disturbingly, dorm authorities and the administration were informed about what was happening, but no one intervened to stop the lynching.
The killing has ignited outrage and controversy, occurring just months after Bangladesh witnessed its most violent civil unrest, which led to over 800 deaths and the end of ex-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year rule.
During Hasina’s time in power, mob violence and student vigilantism were a regular occurrence. The rights organization Ain o Salish Kendra reported 32 mob killings from January to June this year, before the student protests that ultimately led to the former administration’s downfall.
Since the government’s collapse on Aug. 5, lawlessness has surged as police, fearing student reprisals, have largely retreated from the streets, leading to a significant vacuum.
In just five weeks since early August, 21 lynching incidents have been reported nationwide, according to figures compiled by Anadolu from local news sources.
One victim, a former student leader accused of attacking protesters in July, was brutally beaten to death at a major university on the outskirts of Dhaka last Wednesday.
A week earlier, another former student leader affiliated with Hasina’s Awami League was beaten to death at a university in the northern part of Bangladesh.
“Having 21 deaths from mob lynchings in just 35 days is far too high anywhere in the world,” said Mubashar Hasan, a research fellow at the Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages of the University of Oslo.
“This situation is unacceptable and should be condemned.”
- Public fear
Following Hasina’s ouster, Bangladesh’s sole Nobel laureate, Muhammad Yunus, has assumed leadership of the interim government, working to restore order and enact vital institutional reforms.
“We will not tolerate any mob violence or extrajudicial killings. If such incidents occur, we will take strict action,” law adviser Asif Nazrul recently told reporters.
“Three individuals have already been arrested in connection with the killing of Hossain at Dhaka University.”
Retired Lt. Gen. Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, the adviser on home affairs, warned that no one has the right to take the law into their own hands, stressing the need for public awareness to prevent mob violence.
The police force, meanwhile, issued a statement last week vowing “stern action against those taking the law into their own hands.”
“No one has the right to carry out justice on their own. If someone commits a crime, hand them over to the law. No one should take the law into their own hands under any circumstances,” read the statement.
Sarjis Alam, a key coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement that led the protests against Hasina, called for justice and accountability.
“What gives someone the right to beat another person to death, whether they are mentally unstable, a thief, or a convicted criminal? There must be exemplary punishment,” said Alam, also a student at Dhaka University.
Hossain’s killing has put students and the leaders of their movement in a difficult position, as public sentiment towards them has shifted somewhat.
“These student leaders are beginning to act in ways that remind many of the horrific actions carried out by the Chhatra League,” said political commentator Rezaul Karim Rony, referring to the student wing of Hasina’s Awami League.
“The students led the uprising against the oppressive Hasina regime, so they must remember that if they start to see themselves as powerful or above the law, that will only lead to resentment and hatred among the general public.”
Shrabony Rahman, a former Dhaka University student now working at a research NGO, warned that tensions could escalate if there is accountability.
If all those involved are punished, it would “help prevent a sense of impunity and ensure that the wider public does not feel threatened … or develops animosity towards the recent revolution,” she said.
- Challenging situation
Journalist and writer Syed Faiz Ahmed believes the situation could have been even worse given the country’s current political transition.
“We have to accept that mob lynching is not uncommon in this part of the world because people often have a distrust of the justice system,” he told Anadolu.
Another issue, he added, is that “the Yunus regime has to face the baggage of the fallen dictator, who destroyed every public institution.”
AKM Wahiduzzaman, information and political affairs secretary of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, sees the potential involvement of police and administrative officials still loyal to Hasina.
He claimed that Hasina loyalists are hindering efforts to establish law and order in Bangladesh.
“Some local officers have effectively immobilized law enforcement, while others within the ranks are suffering from a lack of confidence. This breakdown in law enforcement, in my view, has created the conditions for the ongoing incidents of looting, vandalism and lynching,” he told Anadolu.
Ahmed, however, also criticized the Yunus administration, saying it lacks political acumen and street smarts, and may not have a clear plan on how to address these issues, including how much time they need or exactly what sort of amendments are needed.
“They also seem confused,” he said.